Lánzate 2024

Lánzate 2024

Come to the political and cultural festival for Latinx changemakers who are building a future rooted in justice, liberation, and el Buenvivir.

The Death of a Puerto Rican Lie

While desperation is brewing in Puerto Rico after Hurricane María, anger is reaching a boiling point in its Diaspora. The few U.S. media to care enough to report, detail an accelerating scarcity of safe drinking water, gasoline, and food. Most islanders are without electricity, so the Diaspora linger with the unknown, left to see a President, that Puerto Rico can’t vote for, say help may take a little longer and, lest we forget, there’s debt to be “dealt with.”

“Have you received any help?” my grandmother asks her niece, who is among the lucky few with a working phone. “No, no one has come to our town. And we’re running out of food.”

If there was any doubt Puerto Rico was a colony of the United States, Hurricane Maria ferociously and, unceremoniously, swept it all away. The once advertised splendor of being the “best of both worlds,” is gone with only the dark and ugly core of a false dream left for all the world to see. Some say that the thin veil of lies about a “Estado Libre Asociado,” or “Commonwealth” status were exposed last year when Congress imposed a Fiscal Control Board (“La Junta”) answerable only to the Feds. Others say it was when the Supreme Court reaffirmed that Puerto Rico is the dominion of Congress. I believe that today, in the nucleus of catastrophe, we have our final answer. But will my people accept it, mourn the death of a lie, and now ask, “When can we truly be free?”

I

Holding back tears, my grandmother’s partner recounted the requested promise he made to his dying father. “I will, Papi, I assure you, see Puerto Rico independent one day.” “Keep waiting!” my grandmother blurted from the kitchen. He wasn’t offended and I wasn’t surprised. Like most Peñas from her rural community of Barrio Lirios Dorados in Juncos, she’s a Muñocista, an adherent to the status quo’s architect. The first governor allowed to be elected by the U.S. Congress, Luis Muñoz Marín sold the Estado Libre Asociado and its constitution as a “mutual pact” between two nations. With pride and nostalgia, my grandmother often says that her father was the first person in town to vote for Muñoz’s Partido Popular Democrático.

Despite living in Diaspora, I was raised to love Muñoz Marín too, to believe in this “agreement,” to honor my U.S. citizenship like a golden calf. The symbol of his party, the jíbaro or countryside man, meant us, didn’t it? My antecedents were indeed the jíbaras and jíbaros who worked land that they didn’t own, for sugar companies exporting profits to the continent. For them, Muñoz Marín finally offered hope for the forgotten, and resources, even if his government repressed anyone who tried to do the same while asking for independence. To this day young cousins in the Barrio joyfully pass on the lore that school kids of the era got 50-cent shoes.

Even literature about that epoch will tell you that it’s when Puerto Rico’s star shined brightest: highways, music festivals, visitations by Marilyn Monroe. Modernization and “Progreso,” the favorite word of a Puerto Rican dreaming of significance in the world. Why mourn for a Cuba descending into communism when you can have Puerto Rico, “Estado Libre Asociado”, a thriving capitalist alternative in the Caribbean? “Lo mejor que Dios ha hecho es mi linda Borinquen” sang Myrta Silva six decades ago among a backdrop of exquisite beachfront hotels. “The best that God has created is my beautiful Puerto Rico” is what many believed and His grace was in Progress. Since U.S. schools ignored Puerto Rico’s existence all together, I learned this all on my own, but my family reinforced these perspectives. As I gained critical thinking skills, however, the question finally dawned on me: If Puerto Rico was such a thriving place, then why were we here, in cold New York and then Chicago?

I asked. The answer wasn’t really clear.

I kept asking.

Why was family in Puerto Rico still poor? No answer.

As the years went by Puerto Rico’s fragile economy collapsed, again, and another migration avalanched onto the continent.

Why are we moving to Chicago, to Philly, to Nueva York, to Orlando, and Orlando, and Orlando? Why are there more of us here than there, now? Why does the U.S. census project that Puerto Rico will loseanother 500,000 in the next eight years?

When fellow junqueña Rita Moreno quipped in West Side Story that “everyone there would have moved here,” it was taken as a joke, but in hindsight, it was a warning.

II

My grandmother’s partner once remarked that jíbaros loved Muñoz Marín because they were simply just that, jíbaros, inferring that the humble people of the land allowed their interests to be exploited by a so-called Messiah. Abuela’s only response was a smirk, but like any true jíbara, so much is said with a mere gesture. I can imagine her thinking: “I know everyone believes we’re stupid, jíbaros venerated by The Nation, by poets, but looked-down upon in the streets; our votes and loyalty can be bought and we ask for only crumbs. But your perceptions don’t bother us. We know we have power, because it is you, managers of the colony, who come to us to ask what we need. And we will tell you: shoes, water, and electricity. Give it and we will honor you, because there’s nothing worth more than a jíbaro’s word.”

Three decades after Muñoz Marín death, the state he built can no longer provide any of those things. The U.S. government has no interest in such fidelity because “a los yanquis lo que les interesa es la jaula, no los pájaros.” “What the Americans want is the cage, not the bird” said Muñoz Marín’s arch-nemesis, Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos in the 1930s. In other words, Puerto Rico was too Black and poor for a racist imperial power to ever accept as kin; but the land could reap many benefits if towed correctly. Even in the face of disaster, Congress and the President delayed waiving the Jones Act for more than a week, preventing other nations to directly ship crucial aid because it would harm U.S. shippers. This is also the same President whose business took over, and then bankrupt, a golf course, adding $32 million to the colony’s debt.

Nonetheless, after 100 years of citizenship that can be revoked with a stroke of a President’s pen, and after the death of many in U.S. wars, some Puerto Ricans maintain faith that they will be seen, heard, and cared for by Washington. Post-Hurricane María, I ask, are you willing to exchange that faith for a bottle of water, a phone call from your father, or gasoline in your generator? As time goes by and anguish stretches, more will perilously hand over just about anything for a chance to survive. And there they will be, La Junta, the governor, and local elites, eagerly waiting to offer the quixotic delusion of statehood to them all, while hiding knowledge that it can only happen if enough birds fly away. And die.

III

I no longer have any disillusions; the Muñoz dream died for me long ago. Its slogans buried beneath the concrete ruins of the burning Bronx I was born in, drowning in the flooded housing project caseríos of a fabled tropical utopia. The dream is dead and dying for many others and decolonization is a necessity.

Now more than ever I believe Puerto Rico needs to be a sovereign nation. Everything I’ve learned and everything I see teaches me this. But even in the midst of an encroaching chaos, the great-grandchildren of those jíbaras and jíbaros will only listen if it’s a viable alternative. As global warming and its hurricanes unmask colonialism everywhere, this is the challenge and opportunity presented to us again, but with clicking time bomb. If we do not take this historic opportunity to better convince our compatriots to reclaim their decolonization, there may a time where truly “everyone there would have moved here” and Puerto Rico once was a place where we all called home.

Xavi Burgos Peña is co-founder of La Respuesta magazine. He is a Boricua/ Dominicano of the Diaspora who has lived his life between New York City and Chicago. His professional experience is mostly in the area of community-building, including youth development, social marketing, and organizing against gentrification. His journalism credits include being editor and chief designer for Que Ondee Sola magazine, columnist for La Voz del Paseo Boricua newspaper, contributor to Gozamos magazine, and guest writer for Claridad newspaper in Puerto Rico. This article originally appeared on Gozamos.

National Lawsuit Seeks to Expose Secrecy of Immigration Raids

Immigrant and civil rights groups around the country file lawsuit after ICE fails to disclose information regarding recent mass raids and threats of mass raids. Groups also highlight abuse of ICE agents and current harsh immigration enforcement tactics through coordinated events.

(Washington D.C) — Organizations around the country are highlighting local ICE enforcement tactics and filing a federal lawsuit against Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) for refusing to release information regarding Operation Mega the recent announcement of what was supposed to be the “largest raid in U.S. history.”

The lawsuit is a response to the agency’s failure to disclose informationrequested by over 200 organizations and community leaders in early September via the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). The information requested from all 24 ICE offices in the country included background, protocols, and procedures for the supposed immigration raid and other such mass operations.

At the same time as the lawsuit is filed, community groups around the country will highlight local conditions, community fights, and local ICE enforcement tactics, including the following:

  • In New Orleans organizers will focus on the 227% jump in immigration arrests of their local office and highlight the case of Jose Torres, a local leader is being deported despite taking care of his two year-old daughter who suffers from life-threatening seizures;
  • In Philadelphia, hundreds of volunteers will go door to door to inform community members about their rights during immigration raids and the deceptive tactics that ICE agents use;
  • In Atlanta, advocates are fighting against a new 287(g) contract, which would give local police the right to act as immigration agents;
  • Chicago will put a spotlight on violence and abuse from ICE agents during raids, including the case of Wilmer Catalan-Ramirez who has his own on-going lawsuit against the Chicago ICE office for injuries suffered during a raid in his home.

“Filing a lawsuit against ICE will force the agency to reveal information that should be available for the public to see and denounce, but since ICE has refused to make the information public, we are going to make their tactics public ourselves. The testimonies and stories highlighted today show we already know what ICE has been doing in our neighborhoods,” explained Jacinta Gonzalez, Field Director at Mijente.

“ICE’s is an agency that regularly lies and actively hides information from the public in detention and throughout their operations,” said Danny Cendejas, Organizing Director of Detention Watch Network. “Today’s lawsuit filing is putting ICE’s egregious lack of transparency on check,” he concluded.

“We are filing this Freedom of Information Act lawsuit because ICE hasn’t responded to specific requests for information about planned mass arrest operations across the United States. Instead of stalling on these requests, ICE should promptly disclose information that we have asked and have a right to review,” said Paromita Shah, Associate Director from the National Immigration Project of the NLG.

Public Citizen Litigation Group and the National Immigration Project of the NLG, also a plaintiff, represents Mijente and Detention Watch Network (DWN) in this lawsuit, challenging the failure to disclose records in response to the FOIA request that included over 200 organizations and community leaders as requesters.

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Mijente SC is a digital and grassroots hub for Latinx and Chicanx organizing and movement building. Campaigns combating criminalization, including the detention and deportation of migrants has been at the center of our work. Mijente SC builds from the successes of the #Not1More Deportation campaign, which sought a stop deportations through administrative action. Visit www.mijente.net for more info. Follow at @conmijente

The National Immigration Project of the National Lawyers Guild (NIPNLG) promotes justice and equality of treatment in all areas of immigration law, the criminal justice system, and public policies related to immigration. Visit us at www.nationalimmigrationproject.org or visit us at @NIPNLG.

Detention Watch Network (DWN) is a national coalition of organizations and individuals working to expose and challenge the injustices of the United States’ immigration detention and deportation system and advocate for profound change that promotes the rights and dignity of all persons. Founded in 1997 by immigrant rights groups, DWN brings together advocates to unify strategy and build partnerships on a local and national level to end immigration detention. Visitwww.detentionwatchnetwork.org. Follow @DetentionWatch.

Mijente Crew in Louisville, KY push forward Sanctuary Ordinance

On October 26th, our comrades in the south showed us what bold and tireless organizing can do for our communities. Mijente members in Louisville have been hard at work all of this year organizing to pass a local sanctuary ordinance and one of the recent city council meetings resulted in a well-earned win. The LMPD-ICE separation ordinance, details an explicit policy that no government employee (from librarians to police) is able to ask for a person’s immigration status, or to assist with federal ICE agent efforts. Police will only respond when there is a warrant present, a crime is occurring or recently occurred, or signs of danger is present. This answers a gap in policy that sorely needed to be addressed on the grounds of what interactions LMPD should have when related to federal affairs.

In the spirit of celebration and claiming our organizing victories, we wanted to share this short interview we did with our folks who made it all happen:

Can you share a little bit about who your crew is? What skills and talents did you find you had that supported your organizing?  

Our crew is a made up of  brown, black, queer, trans,  courageous organizers and activists who are dedicated and passionate about the work of social justice and liberation. We are a mixture of folks who bring different skills and experiences to our organizing. Some of us are talkers that enjoy communicating with media and press, politicians, allies and partner organizations; some of us fill in gaps like making meeting agendas, doing translations, speaking at rallies, organizing monthly meetings and bring the crew together. We also have folks that use healing, base-building, photography, screen-printing and a variety of other talents. We used all these skills to help move us to an ordinance win and build our power.

How did you all come into movement and this work in Louisville?

Some of us are afro-latinx and had been getting more engaged in organizing with the Movement for Black Lives and came into Mijente work in Louisville through that experience. Some of us were students organizing for sanctuary on our campuses and some of us come out of doing different civic engagement work through local government. Back in 2015, a couple of us wanted to learn more about Mijente and traveled to Lanzate in Chicago to connect with folks nationally.  Since then, Mijente has provided a political home and a place where we could show up as our true selves, organize, learn, and connect. In March of this year we had 2 Mijente organizers come to teach and strategize with a statewide Kentucky team of organizer and have since been on the ground organizing weekly meetings, healing circles, creative visioning sessions, online group chat conversations, and strategy sessions to plan out our local work.

Can you give us a sense of the time-line of your campaign and organizing work? What all happened that lead up up to your recent win?

In late 2016, a couple of us met with local activists to talk about what it would take to move a Sanctuary City Ordinance in Louisville.  In January of 2017 we decided to launch the Sanctuary for All petition with Mijente through the petition platform on mijente.net. This was after the Mayor put on a “Rally for American Values” in which he declared Louisville KY a “Compassionate City” for immigrants, but no plans for legal protections were actually presented. Within 48 hours after we launched the petition we had collected 500 signatures from supporters. We attended community meetings, convened Mijetne members and allies, formed a coalition of many groups across Louisville (BLM, KFTC, Planned Parenthood, ACLU, LSURJ, and many others) to build momentum. At our first City Council meeting in February 2017 we had a rally outside, a healing space, Sanctuary For All light projection on the front of city hall, and speakers inside. The chamber was packed and we had people in attendance sitting in the overflow rooms. We really were not expecting the momentum to build so fast. We had to just go with it and get  on that fast moving train quicky! In early September the Kentucky Center for Investigative Reporting released an article detailing several instances where the Louisville Metro Police Department and ICE worked as a joint task force to detain undocumented community members; collaborating exactly 23 times, despite different reports from our mayor and Chief of Police, we got some traction, and this policy was officially introduced.  After the release of the report, both the Mayor and the Chief announced they would examine these findings as they were in contradictory to the Mayor’s “Compassionate City”.  In response the community rose up and together we were able to put pressure on the Metro Council to push this local sanctuary ordinance through. Over 9 months we had 33 speakers at 18 different council meetings. We met with individual council members over many months. We’ve been showing up to those chambers at every meeting; the council members began to expect us. We didn’t let up.

What did it take to build with other groups? What were challenges or surprises?

 It took outreach, education and base-building, consistently. It also took an ability to be transparent and vulnerable. We needed time and people to get the momentum built and that meant that we needed to organize potlucks, do intentional relationship-building, ask others how to support them and their work, etc. As always, there are personality clashes and groups may not always see eye to eye. There are real ego issues in activist circles.  But you learn to find common ground, you choose your battles and learn to support each other. Ultimately, we learned that there are people out there who want to do help, they want to believe there is something they can do to stand up for their values and make a difference. Finding those people and cultivating the relationships is an around the clock job that we were willing to do.

What were overall challenges to your organizing during this campaign fight?

It has taken a lot of work (on spiritual, emotional, and physical levels) to build movement in these deep, heavy times. The work is messy, creative, new, and unpredictable. We may not always know what to do, have the answers, or be the most experienced, and it was challenging to remember and be ok with that at times. Another challenge was figuring out how to be heard.  We’re a small group representing our larger community and letting people know that this was an issue was definitely hard work.

How were you able to make this win happen and in turn build Latinx power for our people?

Latinx power existed in Louisville long before Mijente showed up. What we really did was learn to access it. We offered our  Latinx communities a banner to gather under at a moment in time when we needed each other. Whether they were brown, black, queer, trans, etc we let our community know that they were all a part of this. We listened to and prepared people to share their stories in powerful ways and to people who had certain kinds of power. We demystified civic processes and showed up for each other in lots of spaces to show we could be there. We got to know each other and made commitments to be there for each other. So many of us are building relationships with each other just now and through this process. We stuck together and became more powerful together. Through sharing power, remaining horizontal, always asking questions, embracing imperfections, and non closure we are all showing up to this work as our true and authentic selves. We are in our power and using that power to build movement in our communities. It’s so beautiful to witness young people, intergenerational folks, undocumented people, Afro-Latinx, la raza, all coming together.

What happened at the council meeting where the ordinance was passed?

It was intense, exhausting and sometimes infuriating. It’s difficult to describe the feeling you get as watching a room full of politicians deliberating the pros and cons of your future. There were a few council members who expressed strong concerns about losing federal funding citing threats by Jeff Sessions earlier this year. People like Councilwoman Angela Leet were determined to convince the rest of the council that this ordinance would not only turn Louisville into a cesspool for immigrant criminals, but deemed it unconstitutional. In the end however the ordinance passes with a vote of 16-7. I’ll never forget that feeling of relief and victory.

What’s next?

We’re going to keep building and growing. More outreach, more training and more disruption. This ordinance is just the beginning. We plan on using it as a foundation because we are in a great place to continue to connect with many more people and organizations to really make Louisville a sanctuary for all. And of course, we need to celebrate! Our Mijente crew in Louisville has come so far in such a short time and taking the opportunity to be together is so important. We all may personally need a short break to replenish and regroup. After that, we hope we can host a convening of Mijentistas across Kentucky before the end of the year with our Mijetne national team. We will have a lot of work to do at the statewide level to stop any racist and criminalizing legislation coming our way as well. We’re also working on Mijente Para Familias, a new campaign to assist families affected by detainment and deportations with monetary assistance, meal drives, carpooling, and letters of support to the family affected. 

Salem is Chilean queer organizer with Mijente and is based out of Washington, D.C.

Ancestral Spiritual Resistance Zine – For Our Collective Healing

This document grew of a collective conversation among us who have been an active part of struggles on different fronts for the dignity and freedom of people who have been historically oppressed.  We offer this collection of prayers, practices and intentions for the sake of the ancestors, for the sake of our families and the Earth who made us, and for the generations to come.  We hope that by sharing these pieces we are in some small way helping nurture the powerfully important but challenging resistance work of, as Grace Lee Boggs said, “growing our souls”. Feel free to print it and share, use on your own or within group spaces. This zine is meant for free distribution.  We understand printing is costly. If you print to share with others, we ask that you only ask for donations to cover the costs of the printing.

You can download the Spanish version here, and the English version here.